By – Simran Kaur
The year 2014, when Narendra Modi was elected India’s Prime Minister, heralded the onset of a complete paradigm shift in foreign policy. Modi’s accession to power augured a rejuvenation of things–domestic and international. Unlike the cautious and incremental approaches of his predecessors, Modi energizes his foreign policy with dynamism, personalization, and assertiveness. He infuses a vision and strategic realignment for India in global affairs, characterized by pragmatism and ambition. The essay thus aims to explore the defining features of India’s foreign policy under Modi, looking at its top priorities, strategies, and implications for the global order.
In any event, from the outset, Modi’s foreign policy would translate into aspiration–India’s desire to become a global power. Inducing recognition in its own growing economic, demographic dividend, and geopolitical weights towards the fulfilment of this goal were what formed the basis of this aspiration. Modi would use various platforms to articulate his vision invoking the themes of Vishwaguru and Atmanirbhar Bharat. This rhetoric would be an address to the majority at home and an anchor into which front-line engagements could be tied.
Proactive personal diplomacy has become a hallmark of Modi’s foreign policy. Modi has reached out directly to world leaders in a bid to use his persona to create a stronger bond with that country. His high-profile visits to countries across the continents-from the United States and Japan to Australia and the Middle East-showed a breach with the tradition of reserved diplomacy that has characterized India. Modi did not reach out only to major powers; he made great efforts to strengthen relations with India’s neighbours, especially through the “Neighbourhood First” policy. This approach sought to foster greater connectivity, economic cooperation, and people-to-people ties within South Asia.
Under the leadership of Modi, India engaged with the United States at levels quite unprecedented before. The growing strategic partnership between the two democracies was further enhanced by the implementation of the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement, defence cooperation under the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), and elevation of India to a Major Defence Partner. Modi embraced economy reform directions like, say, “Make in India”, and matched U.S. interests in attractive American investments and technology collaboration, thereby serving to deepen the commitment. Shared heritage added to the partnership as the two grew in concern over China’s aggressiveness, finally realizing the reinstating of the Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) with Japan and Australia.
In the same way, Modi has successfully built a pretty balanced equation with Russia, indicative of India’s commitment to strategic autonomy. Despite rising tensions in the world owing to Russia’s activities in Ukraine, India continued to maintain the exchange of equipment and missile shields with Moscow, especially in defines and energy. Such pragmatism brought into sharper focus India’s objective in spreading its partnerships while ensuring it does not over-rely on any one power bloc. This is well portrayed by Modi’s rapport with President Vladimir Putin coupled with India’s participation in multilateral forums such BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in illustrating the balancing act.
The necessitated protonation of foreign policy was evident when India, particularly under Modi, realized its vision in making closer relationships with certain primary regional players. The revised version of the Look East Policy, the Act East Policy, focused primarily on economic and security engagements with Southeast Asian countries. India’s entry into the debates concerning the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) was expected to demonstrate its interest towards being involved quite actively with the region by ultimately opting out. Modi also wanted to enhance ties with Japan, furthering infrastructure, technology, and defence collaboration between both nations. An example of this is Japan’s financial commitment to India’s development projects, such as the Mumbai-Ahmedabad bullet train.
Nothing of Modi’s foreign policy came without its challenges. The relations with China had seen very rough phases, especially after the Doklam standoff in 2017 and the later clash in Galwan in 2020. These two episodes clearly showed how much tougher it was going to be to manage ties with an increasingly assertive neighbour. India knew but as much competed on BRICS and the SCO forums with China; the border disputes and increasing outreach of China to India’s neighbourhood through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) had strained relations. The emphasis on Modi in keeping strong infrastructural developments on the border with investment in diversifications of the economy would thus represent a strategic response to such challenges from China.
Modi’s foreign policy was a right turn in the Middle East. Deepening engagement with the Gulf was pursued as an important energy supplier and a source of remittances from Indian expatriates. Visits by Modi to the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Oman underscore this shift and have therefore enhanced economic and strategic ties. India’s balanced approach in handling its relationships with Iran, Israel, and the GCC countries reflected its opportunistic politics. Diplomatic agility was eminent in Modi’s outreach to Israel in the form of the highly politicized visit during 2017, further diversifying India’s partnerships in the region.
Africa was another regional focus area under Modi’s foreign policy. India’s engagement with this continent was characterized by developmental partnership, trade, and investment. As part of his participation in India-Africa Forum Summit as well as his visits to several African nations, this indicated India’s commitment toward deepening ties. These had a broader context of advancing India’s influence in Global South and countering increasing Chinese presence in Africa.
India has undergone a great transformation in the multilateral forum’s effort during Modi’s period. India has aspired for a larger voice in global governance through the permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Modi used forums such as G20, BRICS, and SCO to rally for reforms in international bodies that concerned global challenges, such as climate change and terrorism. This is evidenced by the International Solar Alliance, of which India took leadership in positioning itself as a nation committed to sustainable development and climate action.
Internally, this foreign policy of Modi dovetails with his economic agenda, such as Make in India, Digital India, Skill India, and others, designed to attract foreign investment and technology and showcase India’s ability to ship potential into a possible global manufacturing hub. Ease of doing business and infrastructure development also complemented such initiatives. Modi’s economic diplomacy was seen in India’s involvement in trade negotiations along with investment promotion.
The rebalancing of India’s strategy for soft power was also observed during the Modi years. Indian culture, yoga and heritage found their ways to the world stage as subjects of foreign policy. International Day of Yoga, which was initiated by Modi himself, scored a global hit. A significant part of Indian soft power, the diaspora was incorporated through events like Pravasi Bharatiya Divas and other activities with Indian communities abroad. He made some contact with the diaspora while abroad, giving the impression that this group was in some respect strategic.
Simultaneously, there was widespread critique of India’s foreign policy from many angles. Some claimed that Modi’s diplomacy was at times more of a personality-centred than process-based affair and that it undermined continuity and stability in foreign policy. One of the arguments advanced against this kind of engagement and event was that they distracted from show to content. Conclusively, the real challenges are posed in the management of the two neighbours to the east, that is, Pakistan and Nepal, thus further uncovering the limits of such a “Neighbourhood First” program.
Pakistan has been treated by Modi as a mix of engagement and confrontation. After Modi invited Nawaz Sharif to his swearing-in ceremony, all the goodwill vanished almost instantly because of cross-border terrorism and Article 370 abrogation in Jammu and Kashmir. Together with India’s surgical strikes of 2016 and the Balakot airstrikes in 2019, this reflected a much more assertive line against terrorism emanating from Pakistan. Following this, actions were taken as part of a strategy to keep Pakistan diplomatically isolated across the globe, particularly in forums like the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).
One of the key features of India’s foreign policy during the regime of Prime Minister Narendra Modi was a strong inclination for strategic autonomy coupled with a great deal of realpolitik. Unlike the non-aligned postures during the Cold War periods, which was understood in terms of binary power blocs and hence equidistance from them, Modi’s foreign policy is marked by flexibility and interest-driven approaches. Strategic autonomy in the Modi age does not simply mean non-partisanship but is about framing policies that keep Indian national interests in light even in a polarized geopolitical space.
India has dealt diligently with both these giants, the United States and Russia. This involves strengthening its defence and strategic ties with the US through agreements like COMCASA (Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement) and BECA (Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement), and by being a proactive member of the Quad. All this while, India has maintained its unique, long-standing defence and energy relationship with Russia in the wake of western pressure, acquisition of S-400 defences systems, and relatively good trade relations notwithstanding the ongoing war in Ukraine.
Realpolitik has been another significant aspect of Modi’s foreign policy. India has demonstrated a willingness to pragmatically engage with nations, even those with differing ideologies or systems of governance, as long as the engagement aligns with its national interests. For example, while India opposes China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific and along the Himalayan border, it has continued economic cooperation and participation in BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), recognizing the value of multilateral forums. Similarly, India’s robust stance against Pakistan’s support for terrorism has not deterred its focus on strengthening ties with other South Asian neighbours under the Neighbourhood First policy.
Now, unlike the Modi years being highlighted as a period of distinct departure from Nehru’s policies, when carefully assessed it shows considerable continuation with foundational Nehruvian principles related to his foreign policy; above all non-alignment and sovereignty. Under Nehru, non-alignment was a response to the bipolar world order of the Cold War, where India avoided alignment with either the US or Soviet blocs to maintain its sovereignty in decision-making. Modi’s foreign policy, though operating in a multipolar world, reflects the same commitment to independence but with a modern, pragmatic twist.
Unlike Nehru, who was quite focused and specific concerning the moral diplomacy and ideology, Modi has shown readiness to engage himself in practical considerations. Maintaining balanced relationships remains a constant principle, however. While Nehru wanted to engage both US and USSR, Modi has managed the strong ties at Washington and Moscow detuning the tenor of the latter increasing adversarial hostility to the former. Such a perfect balance without compromising the core interests of India indeed shows the evolution from ideologically non-aligned to strategically autonomous foreign policy of India.
It is essentially the reconceptualization of the modern era for India’s founding principles: first, those under resource considerations, now it is strategic autonomy, and with a focus on national interests, allowed India to be an independent player in the global arena, interacting with every great power without being beholden to anyone. Therefore, this approach not only protects Indian sovereignty but places India in a leading position in a multipolar world.
REFERENCES-
- https://thediplomat.com/2024/03/how-modi-has-changed-indian-foreign-policy/
- https://thediplomat.com/2024/06/indian-foreign-policy-under-narendra-modi-a-decade-of-transformation/
- https://www.orfonline.org/research/a-decade-of-modi-s-foreign-policy-india-shows-the-way
- https://www.igntu.ac.in/MekalInsight/jan2020/3.pdf