Kritika Vishwakarma 

1. Introduction 

Indian ocean has always been served as the leading international trade route for ancient civilizations and the connecting link between Middle-east, Africa, Asia and the East Asian countries. It was also churned by European invasion along with the exploitation of resources. Indian ocean region relentlessly remained significant through its maritime trade routes and still accentuates by contributing up to two-third of the global maritime trade. Around 42 percent of global crude oil products and distillate is lifted from or within the region and over 30 percent of containerized ships passes through the Indian ocean region (IOR). Over the past decade, India has reimagined its maritime vision to assert greater influence and ensure security within the IOR. Influenced by K.M Panikkar’s Indian Ocean thoughts and B.R. Ambedkar’s Water navigation policies, Prime Miniter Narendra Modi articulated the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) policy in 2015, which marked a paradigm shift from a continental to a maritime-centric strategic outlook, emphasizing cooperation, security, and sustainable growth across the region (Bhalsagar, 2024).  

2. Historical Significance and Strategic imperative 

Many civilizations nurtured and expanded through Indian Ocean trade routes, such as Indus Valley civilization in Indian subcontinent, even the significance of Indian Ocean is mentioned in the Vedas and Upanishad. Kishkindha Kandam and Ayodhya Kandam of Ramayana and Shanti Parva and Karma Kanda of Mahabharata also contains some reference to maritime trade (Kumar, 2012).  However, during British colonial era, this focus shifted to Europe due to drain of wealth. The naval division of the East India Company was transferred to the British Crown on 1 May 1830, becoming the Indian Navy, which was later renamed Her Majesty’s Indian Navy in 1858. By 1863, it was divided into the Bombay Marine and Bengal Marine, while coastal defense responsibilities were taken over by the Royal Navy. In 1892, the Royal Indian Marine (RIM) was established, tasked with marine surveying, maintaining lighthouses, and transporting troops during World War I. Post-war, the force was downsized, and on 2 October 1934, it was reconstituted as the Royal Indian Navy (RIN), headquartered in Bombay. At the onset of World War II, although limited in size, the RIN actively protected Indian waters by escorting vessels and conducting operations in the Middle East, Bay of Bengal, Red Sea, and Persian Gulf.  Following Japan’s entry into the war, the RIN played a crucial role in Burmese waters, engaging in patrols and joint missions with notable bravery and expertise (Maritime Heritage – Join Indian Navy | Government of India, n.d.). It was the post cold was era that focus again turned to waters after long era of dormancy towards maritime security.  

3. Theoretical Approaches 

India’s contemporary maritime strategy, follows Kautilya’s mandala theory envisioned as a dynamic “maritime mandala,” aims for comprehensive “yogakshema” (security and prosperity) through a tiered approach that prioritizes maritime infrastructure and island development at its core, extends to immediate island neighbors in the second ring, and reaches the broader Indo-Pacific in the outermost circle. Unlike the traditional continental mandala’s binary of “friend and foe,” this maritime framework emphasizes seamless connectivity, collective action, and cooperative endeavors to foster regional peace, enhance trade, and collaboratively leverage oceanic resources. However, this strategic maritime vision is continually influenced by complex continental geopolitics, as exemplified by China’s extensive regional trade integration and its significant land border implications for India’s broader maritime stability, necessitating a sophisticated and adaptable policy framework to navigate these intertwined challenges. (FOUNDATION, n.d.) 

Alfred Mahan’s assertion, “Whoever controls the oceans, runs the world,” profoundly resonates with the 21st-century geopolitics of the Indian Ocean, a critical arena where major powers vie for influence.  This region is vital for global trade, energy, and military strategy due to its strategic shipping lanes, rich resources, and critical chokepoints. Consequently, India has been consistently refining its maritime policies to strengthen its dominance, transitioning from the SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) framework to the more expansive MAHASAGAR vision. This new initiative, articulated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, aims to broaden India’s influence in the Global South through enhanced trade, security cooperation, and sustainable development, directly addressing China’s growing presence in the Indo-Pacific and reinforcing New Delhi’s leadership in regional governance (Tuckfield, n.d.). 

4. SAGAR Policy: Vision and Objective 

Though SAGAR is not the formal policy, but the spirit of all maritime policies of India. India’s maritime strategy encompasses multiple dimensions to strengthen its presence and influence in the Indian Ocean Region. Infrastructure and capacity building are prioritized through initiatives like the Sagarmala project and Maritime Vision 2030, which focus on port development and logistics modernization to boost maritime trade. Diplomatic engagements have expanded India’s port access at strategic locations such as Chabahar, Changi, Sabang, and Duqm, along with active participation in multilateral forums like the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). Operational cooperation is enhanced by joint naval exercises including MILAN, SLINEX, and Samudra Shakti, as well as coordinated patrols that improve interoperability among regional navies. Humanitarian assistance efforts, exemplified by Operation Samudra Setu during the COVID-19 pandemic and various disaster relief missions, underscore India’s commitment to regional goodwill and responsiveness. Complementing these efforts, technological advancements through indigenous warship development and modernization programs continue to strengthen India’s naval capabilities (India’s Maritime Security: Relevance of SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) in Achieving India’s Blue Water Ambitions – Phadke Journal of Strategic Studies, n.d.). 

5.  Evolution towards MAHASAGAR and Regional cooperation 

On his visit to Mauritius in march 2025, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the new maritime growth and security strategy for global south. He introduced India’s new vision for the Global South, called the acronym “MAHASAGAR” for “Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions.” Noticing increasing expansion of China in Indian Ocean, PM Modi added “We are committed to extend full cooperation in the security of Mauritius’ Exclusive Economic Zone” (“What Is ‘Mahasagar’ Vision?” 2025). his shift acknowledges the complexity of regional needs and emphasizes cooperative responses to non-traditional threats, including climate-induced natural disasters, where India plays a leading role in Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR). Moving away from the earlier “net security provider” stance, India now prefers to be seen as a trusted security partner and first responder, seeking to avoid patron-client dynamics in its regional relationships. The Indian Ocean currently witnesses a growing competition between India and China, with China extending its political influence in a largely transactional manner, while India advocates for cooperation based on common challenges and a shared future. MAHASAGAR is poised to strengthen India’s role in shaping maritime security architecture and signals its intention to deepen collaboration with the Global South on mutual interests, reflecting an expansion of geographical and thematic cooperation across the wider Indo-Pacific. (Prime Minister Narendra Modi Announces Mahasagar Vision with Mauritius for Maritime Security, Trade – India Today, n.d.). By integrating evolving security priorities with broader developmental goals, MAHASAGAR represents a natural progression from SAGAR, guiding India’s comprehensive and multifaceted engagement in the region (News Detail, n.d.). 

6. Unpacking SAGAR vs. BRI potential 

India’s SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and China’s BRI (Belt and Road Initiatives alongside the String of Pearls strategy represent two of the most consequential maritime and geopolitical strategies of in the contemporary Indo- Pacific and Indian Ocean regions. On 10 years completion PM Modi introduced vision MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) on march 2025, expanding the scope especially to African coastlines and the wider global south. The naval exercise AIKEYME (Africa-India Key Maritime Engagement), Agalega Island airstrip and jetty construction in Mauritius and maritime humanitarian campaigns part of India’s strategy (MAHASAGAR Is the next Step in India-Africa Collaboration. It Addresses Maritime Security, n.d.). 

In contrast, China‘s BRI launched in 2013 and includes both the Silk Road and Economic Belt and the 21st century Maritime Silk route in Kazakhstan and Indonesia respectively is threatening to India and the Global west on its debt trap and containerizing policies. China’s growing network of commercial and dual-use maritime infrastructure spanning from the Chinese mainland to the Middle East and Africa, with significant facilities in Gwadar (Pakistan), Hambantota (Sri Lanka), Chittagong (Bangladesh), and Kyaukpyu (Myanmar) and after debt repayment is projected to collect $22 billion. It shows China’s shift from capital provider to a significant debt collector. Also, using educational exchanges and media outreach, it is creating the educational economic dependencies by using pragmatic statecraft. Also, railways and highways across the countries are part of this expansion. Therefore, it makes it difficult for India to compete with China’s String of Pearls strategy with large budget and viability gap challenges (Yang, 2023). 

7. Tensions between ambitions and Capability 

Indian Ocean is of great geopolitical significance and also a zone for complex interdependence. China’s strategy of String of pearls and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) where it is expanding its naval and military bases in Indian Ocean like in Djibouti. India’s SAGAR policy is therefore both a strategic and diplomatic response to counterbalance such influence, asserting sovereign control and fostering regional partnerships (FOUNDATION, n.d.). India faces several challenges in realizing its maritime ambitions.  India has limited financial resources and infrastructure development capacity in comparison to China, which restricts India’s ability to execute large-scale projects quickly. Coordinating efforts among various stakeholders—such as the private sector and coastal state governments—adds complexity and sometimes slows progress. Additionally, threats from non-state actors like pirates, traffickers, and maritime terrorists demand stronger surveillance and law enforcement (The Geopolitics of the CPEC and Indian Ocean: Security Implication for India | Semantic Scholar, n.d.). 

8. Implications for Indigenous population and environment 

India’s SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) initiative has brought wide-ranging benefits to local communities throughout the Indian Ocean Region, especially in smaller coastal and island nations.  By focusing on inclusive maritime security and socio-economic growth, SAGAR helps these communities in various important ways. It improves safety at sea by enhancing cooperation to combat piracy, illegal fishing, and trafficking, while providing critical training and infrastructure to countries like Mauritius and the Maldives to better protect their waters and livelihoods. The initiative also plays a key role in disaster relief and preparedness, with the Indian Navy often acting as a first responder during natural calamities, offering timely assistance that builds long-term resilience. Economically, SAGAR supports sustainable use of ocean resources and regional connectivity through projects that modernize ports and improve trade, boosting local employment and development. At the diplomatic level, it strengthens partnerships that respect the sovereignty and development needs of smaller states, encouraging a spirit of cooperation rather than dependence. Importantly, SAGAR also prioritizes environmental protection by addressing climate change impacts and marine pollution, preserving the ecosystems vital to these communities. Overall, the policy has positively transformed the region, reinforcing India’s commitment not only as a security provider but also as a constructive partner dedicated to the well-being and sustainable future of the Indian Ocean’s people and environment (FOUNDATION, n.d.). 

9. Conclusion and Recommendation 

India’s SAGAR policy represents India’s maritime vision for securing the trade routes and paly the leading role in Indian Ocean. It fosters maritime diplomacy, security collaboration and economic cooperation to respond to evolving challenges posed by great power competition and non-traditional threats. SAGAR embodies India’s vision of cooperative maritime security and regional growth, geopolitical tensions—especially the intensifying Sino-Indian rivalry, Pakistan-China nexus, capacity constraints, and environmental vulnerabilities—pose significant hurdles to its implementation. India’s strategic challenge lies in balancing assertive maritime diplomacy, enhancing operational capabilities, and fostering genuine multilateral cooperation to effectively realize SAGAR’s vision amidst this complex regional dynamic. While the policy offers a comprehensive framework, its efficacy depends on overcoming resource constraints, enhancing coordination, and addressing emerging regional security dynamics. The transition to MAHASAGAR signals India’s ambition to broaden its maritime influence and lead cooperative efforts that align with its strategic interests in the 21st-century Indo-Pacific. 

REFERENCES 

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